The Shenzhou-20 mission's three-person crew has returned home after more than a week of delays caused by damage to their spacecraft, allegedly caused by an impact with a tiny piece of space debris.
MAHA disinformation agents clearly understand the power of social media, and anyone who genuinely wishes to oppose them moving forward needs to as well.
The post To Deny The Role of Social Media In Propagating Misinformation is a Form of Germ Theory Denial, Not For Pathogens, But For Ideas first appeared on Science-Based Medicine.Hermann Göring is a larger-than-life character who commands a big-screen presence both in real life and in cinematic representations. His latest portrayal, by the estimable Russell Crowe, captures this presence with notable fidelity.
Crowe plays Göring in all his official guises: Reichsmarschall, Luftwaffe chief, President of the Reichstag, Plenipotentiary of the Four-Year Plan, and Hitler’s designated successor (until the Führer revoked that status in the last days of the war and ordered Göring’s arrest for treason). Crowe’s performance is as convincing as his portrayal of Maximus Decimus Meridius in Ridley Scott’s 2000 film Gladiator. (See also Robert Pugh as Göring in the BBC series Nuremberg: Nazis on Trial, which highlights the more jovial side of the Reichsmarschall’s personality.)
Russell Crowe as Hermann Göring. Courtesy of Sony Pictures ClassicsThe 148-minute PG-13 film, Nuremberg, directed and written by James Vanderbilt, also stars Rami Malek (who played Queen lead singer Freddie Mercury in the biopic Bohemian Rhapsody) as the official prison psychiatrist Dr. Douglas Kelley, and Colin Hans as Dr. Gustave Gilbert, official prison psychologist.
0:00 /2:04 1×Un-historically, Gilbert appears in a tertiary role, with the entire film focus on the relationship between Göring and Kelley (credited to Jack El-Hai’s book The Nazi and the Psychiatrist), which is an odd paring because, in fact, Kelley left “after the first month of the trial and was succeeded by Major Leon N. Goldensohn for most of the rest of the trial,” an explanation on offer from Dr. Gilbert himself in his 1947 book Nuremberg Diary.
In the film, the two shrinks are juxtaposed as quarreling over who was going to profit from participation in the trial of the century, departing the scene in anger. But in his Nuremberg Diary acknowledgments, Dr. Gilbert writes:
I am indebted to Colonel B. C. Andrus, prison commandant, and Dr. Douglas M. Kelley, prison psychiatrist for the first two months, for facilitating my assignment to the Nuremberg jail with free access to all the prisoners from the very beginning of my stay there.Gilbert’s book is a compendium of deep insights into politics, Nazism, war, conflict, personality, free will and moral culpability, and the nature of good and evil. There are also amusing insights like this one from the prison commandant Colonel Andrus: “When Göring came to me at Mondorf, he was a simpering slob with two suitcases full of paracodeine. I thought he was a drug salesman. But we took him off his dope and made a man of him.” I have a hardback first edition that I picked up at a used-book sale at Glendale College in the 1980s, where I was teaching at the time and researching the history of conflict, violence, and war.
My personal copy of the first edition of the “Nuremberg Diary.” Gilbert’s book is a compendium of deep insights into politics, Nazism, war, conflict, personality, free will and moral culpability, and the nature of good and evilSome notable excerpts from Dr. Gilbert’s book:
In our conversations in his cell, Göring tried to give the impression of a jovial realist who had played for big stakes and lost and was taking it all like a good sport. Any question of guilt was adequately covered by his cynical attitude toward the “justice of the victors.” He had abundant rationalizations for the conduct of the war, his alleged ignorance of the atrocities, the “guilt” of the Allies, and a ready humor which was always calculated to give the impression that such an amiable character could have meant no harm. Nevertheless, he could not conceal a pathological egotism and inability to stand anything but flattery and admiration for his leadership, while freely expressing scorn for other Nazi leaders.Göring’s ego was on full display over the weekend of March 16-17, 1946, as evidenced in this reflection by Gilbert after visiting the prisoner’s cell:
Göring was very tired from the strain of the past three days’ testimony. His defense being almost completed, he was already moodily brooding over his destiny and speculating on his role in history. Humanitarianism had become a thorn in his side, and he cynically rejected it as a threat to his future greatness. The empire of Genghis Kahn, the Roman Empire, and even the British Empire were not built up with due regard for principles of humanity, he expostulated with weary bitterness—but they achieved greatness in their time and have won a respected place in history. I reiterated that the world was becoming a little too sophisticated in the 20th century to regard war and murder as the signs of greatness. He squirmed and scoffed and rejected the idea as the sentimental idealism of an American who could afford such a self-delusion after America had hacked its way to a rich Lebensraum [living space] by revolution, massacre, and war [a reference to America’s own history of extermination of Native Americans, of which Göring was familiar].When his testimony was over, Göring “made an outright bid for applause for his performance,” asking Gilbert “Well, I didn’t cut a petty figure, did I?” Gilbert penned in his notes: “He couldn’t help admiring himself, and paused for a moment to do so. Yes, he was quite satisfied with his figure in history. ‘Why, I bet even the prosecution had to admit that I did well, didn’t they? Did you hear anything?’” Gilbert concluded of Göring, “The test of his medieval heroism was admiration by the enemy. I shrugged my shoulders.”
Another un-historical segment in the Nuremberg film has Dr. Kelley visiting Göring’s wife and daughter, Emmy and Edda, when in fact it was Dr. Gilbert who “visited Frau Emmy Göring at the house in the woods of Sackdilling near Neuhaus, to which she had retired with her daughter and niece after her release from custody” (he devotes a chapter in Nuremberg Diary to the visit). (Why filmmakers take such unnecessary license with historical truths is beyond me.) Emmy Göring had plenty to say about how “disgraceful to us to see how many Germans are saying they never really supported Hitler, that they were forced into the Party, there is so much hypocrisy, it is sickening!” She raged about Hitler’s order to execute the entire Göring family (“can you imagine that madman ordering that child shot?” pointing to Edda), then when her daughter was not present addressed the topic of atrocities:
She told how she had asked Himmler to let her go and see Auschwitz concentration camp, because she had received so many letters saying that things were not quite as they should be. As the first lady of the land she wanted to be convinced that everything was in order. Himmler wrote a polite letter, but told her not to meddle in things that were no concern of hers.As for the unprecedented concept of the Nuremberg trial itself, Göring told Gilbert “I still don’t recognize the authority of the court,” adding:
Anything that happened in our country does not concern you in the least. If 5 million Germans were killed, that is a matter for Germans to settle; and our state policies are our own business.Clearly the court begged to differ, and to drive home the point Göring and the others were subjected to George Stevens’ The Nazi Concentration Camps film footage from, for example, Nordhausen:
0:00 /0:32 1×Gilbert took notes as he observed the Nazi leaders reacting to the horrors on the screen:
Fritzsche already looks pale and sits aghast as it starts with scenes of prisoners burned alive in a barn… Keitel wipes brow, takes off headphones… Göring supported his head on his hand and looked tired, then stirred uneasily in the doc and changed position. Funk covers his eyes, looks as if he is in agony, shakes his head… Ribbentrop closes his eyes, looks away… Sauckel mops brow… Frank swallows hard, blinks eyes, trying to stifle tears… Funk now in tears, blows nose, wipes eyes, looks down… Frick shakes head at illustration of “Violent death”—frank mutters “Horrible!”… Speer looks very sad, swallows hard… Defense attorneys are now muttering, “For God’s sake—terrible.”In addition to employing the now discredited Rorschach ink-blot test in hopes of evoking deep personality characteristics and hidden motives of his charges (in the film the Nazis see Jews, vaginas, and Jewish vaginas), Gilbert administered the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale and found the following results (100 = average, 115 = one standard deviation above average, or better than 84% of test takers, 130 = two standard deviations above average, or better than 98% of test takers, and 145 = three standard deviations above average, or better than 99.9% of test takers):
Name
IQ Score
Arthur Seyss-Inquart
143
Hermann Göring
138
Karl Doenitz
138
Frans von Papen
134
Hans Frank
130
Joachim von Ribbentrop
129
Wilhelm Keitel
129
Albert Speer
128
Alfred Jodl
127
Walther Funk
124
Fritz Sauckel
118
Ernst Kaltenbrunner
113
As Gilbert concluded:
The IQs show that the Nazi leaders were above average intelligence, merely confirming the fact that the most successful men in any sphere of human activity—whether it is politics, industry, militarism, or crime—are apt to be above average intelligence. It must be borne in mind that the IQ indicates nothing but the mechanical efficiency of the mind, and has nothing to do with character or morals, nor the various other considerations that go into an evaluation of personality. Above all, the individual’s sense of values and the expressions of his basic motivation are the things that truly reveal his character.Even more insightfully, Gilbert adds:
However, a social movement as far-reaching and catastrophic as that of Nazism cannot be adequately analyzed and understood merely in terms of the individual character traits of its leaders. A realistic psychological approach requires an insight into the total personalities in interaction in their social and historical setting. The Nuremberg Trial afforded an ideal opportunity for such a study.Here, for example, is one of the most poignant exchanges Gilbert had with Göring about the politics of war:
Göring: Why, of course, the people don't want war. Why would some poor slob on a farm want to risk his life in a war when the best that he can get out of it is to come back to his farm in one piece? Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia, nor in England, nor in America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy, or a fascist dictatorship, or a parliament, or a communist dictatorship.That is an accurate description of the world before World War II. After, when the world came to grasp the full extent of the Nazi genocide, an International Law Commission was born out of the Nuremberg trials of German war criminals for their “crimes against humanity,” which it defined as follows:
Murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation and other inhumane acts done against any civilian population, or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds, when such acts are done or such persecutions are carried on in execution of or in connection with any crime against peace or any war crime.This was based on a new set of legal and moral principles (from Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 1. Charter of the International Military Tribunal) such as: Principle 1: “Any person who commits an act which constitutes a crime under international law is responsible therefore and liable to punishment.” And Principle II: “The fact that internal law does not impose a penalty for an act which constitutes a crime under international law does not relieve the person who committed the act from responsibility under international law.”
From the start, Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson insisted on a fair trial for all, noting in his opening statement “To pass these defendants a poisoned chalice is to put it to our own lips as well.” The Nuremberg trials were one of the greatest contributions to expanding the moral sphere of justice on a global scale, signaling to dictators and demagogues everywhere that the world was watching and would hold them accountable for their actions.
Like most of the Nazis at the Nuremberg trial, Göring’s defense was that he was innocent by virtue of the fact that he was only following orders. Befehl ist Befehl—orders are orders—is now known as the Nuremberg defense, and it’s an excuse that seems particularly feeble in a case like Göring’s and the other Nazi leaders in the doc. “My boss told me to kill millions of people so—hey—what could I do?” is not a credible defense, but here are their pleas as documented by Gilbert:
Joachim von Ribbentrop, Foreign Minister: “We were all under Hitler’s shadow.”In the epilogue to Nuremberg Diary, Gilbert records the 21 Nazi defendants’ final statements, including this gem exchange between Göring and von Papen:
Göring deserted Hitler and made a grandiose protestation of his own innocence, calling upon God and the German people as witnesses to the fact that he had acted out of pure patriotism. This hypocrisy infuriated von Papen so much that he came over and attacked Göring at lunch, demanding furiously, “Who in the world is responsible for all this destruction if not you?! You were the second man in the State! Is nobody responsible for any of this?” He waved his arms at the ruins of Nuremberg visible through the lunchroom windows.The four counts of the indictment against Göring and the others were (1) Conspiracy to commit crimes alleged in other counts; (2) Crimes against peace; (3) War crimes; (4) Crimes against humanity.
Göring’s verdict was “GUILTY on all 4 counts. Sentence: Death by hanging.” Here is Gilbert’s summary of Göring’s conviction:
Gilbert’s summary of Göring’s convictionUnbelievably—given the draconian measures of prisoner monitoring after the head of the German Labour Front, Robert Ley, died by suicide in his cell before the trial even began—Göring cheated the hangman’s noose, chomping down on a vial of cyanide in his mouth, somehow smuggled into his cell as the executioners began their preparation for carrying out the court’s sentence.
To this day no one knows who aided the Reichsmarschall’s escape from justice. The film’s artistic interpretation is that he made it appear by “magic”—thereby tying the ending of the film to the beginning with Dr. Kelley making a coin disappear and reappear as he performs magic for a comely woman on the train ride to Nuremberg in the film’s awkward opening scene. The likeliest explanation is that Göring charmed one of the guards into slipping him a capsule at the last moment; given his considerable personal influence over millions of ordinary Germans to commit extraordinarily evil crimes against humanity, it doesn’t seem fanciful that he cajoled some neophyte guard into helping him evade the hangman’s noose.
In the end, none of the convicted Nazi were surprised by their sentences, least of all Göring, who admitted to Gilbert that he expected the death penalty from the start, “and was glad that he had not gotten a life sentence, because those who are sentenced to life imprisonment never become martyrs. But there wasn’t any of the old confident bravado in his voice. Göring seems to realize, at last, that there is nothing funny about death, when you’re the one who is going to die.”
Russell Crowe as Hermann Göring. Courtesy of Sony Pictures ClassicsGöring’s observation, along with the lessons from the film itself—well worth seeing in a theater on a big screen—tells an important story our society seems all too ready to forget these days, namely that in the end if justice does not prevail then evil will.
Astronomers have discovered that the famous Pleiades star cluster, otherwise known as the "Seven Sisters" is actually the bright core of a sprawling family of stars spread across nearly 2,000 light years. By combining stellar spin measurements with precise motion tracking, researchers identified over 3,000 related stars and revealed the Pleiades is twenty times larger than previously thought.
Astronomers have discovered that our Solar System is moving through the universe more than three times faster than cosmological models predict, a finding that challenges fundamental assumptions about how the universe works. By analysing the distribution of distant radio galaxies using advanced statistical methods, the team detected motion so unexpectedly rapid it earned the rare five sigma statistical significance that scientists consider definitive evidence.
Matthew’s biography of Francis Crick just came out, and I’m delighted, as I’m sure he is, with the spate of glowing reviews. I haven’t seen a bad one yet, and some of them rate the book as superlative. It is certainly one of the best science biographies going, and I hope it wins the Royal Society Science book prize.
I’ll finish up my endorsements of the book (the reviews will keep coming, though) by highlighting two more: one in Science and the other in the Times of London. But first you can listen to Matthew talking about J. D. Watson, who just died, on this BBC show (Matthew’s bit, which is the only discussion of biology, goes from the beginning to 9:35). As Matthew says, “This is the most important discovery in biology since Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection. It transforms our understanding of heredity, of evolution–of everything to do with biology.”
The American you hear in the interview is from an old interview with Watson himself.
The moderator then wants to discuss the sexism and racism of Watson, and Matthew eventually gets to it. First, though, Matthew discusses the involvement of Maurice Wilkins and Rosalind Franklin in the DNA structure, and says, as he always does, that the history was complicated, that the discovery was more collaborative than people think, but also that Crick and Watson failed to ask Franklin for permission to use her data, which was a scientific boo-boo. Watson’s further accomplishments are discussed (the Human Genome Project, the upgrading of Cold Spring Harbor Laboratories). The mention of Watson’s personal arrogance, sexism, and racism starts at 6:50, and Matthew manages to decry it (calling it a “terrible legacy”) while not seeming nasty, something he’s good at.
Next, two reviews, the first in Science. It’s very positive, and I’ll give the exerpts (access should be free by clicking on the headline below).
In October 1958, Francis Crick and his wife, Odile, hosted a party at their house in Cambridge to celebrate Fred Sanger’s Nobel Prize in Chemistry. During the festivities, a rocket was launched from the roof terrace, which landed on the roof of a nearby church and necessitated the services of the local fire brigade (1). This otherwise inconsequential event is an apt metaphor for the scientific assault on mysticism and vitalism that the atheist Crick and his contemporaries helped pioneer through their pursuit of a new “chemical physics” of biology—an endeavor that would eventually help describe the nature of life itself. In his magnificent and expansive new biography, Crick: A Mind in Motion, Matthew Cobb forensically explores and electrifies this important chapter in the history of science through the exploits of one of its key protagonists. Magnificent and expansive! You’ll be seeing those words on the cover. And some of these, too:Another intriguing theme Cobb explores is Crick’s friendship with the psychedelic beat poet Michael McClure (6). Crick was so taken by the charismatic poet, in particular, a stanza in McClure’s “Peyote Poem”—“THIS IS THE POWERFUL KNOWLEDGE / we smile with it”—that he pinned it onto a wall in his home. For Crick, the beauty inherent in the solution of a complex scientific problem and the aesthetic euphoria and sense of revelation it created were reminiscent of the perceptual effects of consuming a hallucinogenic compound, such as peyote.
Cobb also touches on Crick’s eugenicist proclamations and details some of his other disastrous forays into the social implications of science, which ultimately led him to permanently abstain from such activities. Crick’s notable lack of engagement with the 1975 Asilomar meeting, which sought to address the potential biohazards and ethics of recombinant DNA technology, was in stark contrast to Watson and biologist Sydney Brenner. Crick never explained his silence on the topic of genetic engineering (7).
Complex, energetic, freethinking, dazzling, and bohemian, Crick was also ruthless, immature, misogynistic, arrogant, and careless. The phage biologist Seymour Benzer noted that Crick was not a “shrinking violet.” Maurice Wilkins described Watson and Crick as “a couple of old rogues,” and Lawrence Bragg more politely observed that Crick was “the sort of chap who was always doing someone else’s crossword.” Cobb, however, has arrived at a somewhat more benign and nuanced interpretation of the events surrounding the discovery of the double helix, the collaborative nature of which, he asserts, was obfuscated by the fictional narrative drama of Watson’s bestseller The Double Helix.
Crick is set to become the definitive account of this polymath’s life and work. We must now wait patiently for historian Nathaniel Comfort’s upcoming biography of James Watson to complement it.
In my view, the phrase “definite account of this polymath’s life and work” is really the most powerful approbation the book could get.
You can see the review from the Times of London by clicking below, or find it archived here:
If the age of the lone scientific genius has passed, was Francis Crick among its last great specimens? His name will for ever be bound to that of James Watson and their discovery in 1953 of the double-helix structure of DNA. Yet it is a measure of Crick’s influence that this breakthrough, transformative as it was, is done and dusted barely 80 pages into Matthew Cobb’s absorbing new biography.
Cobb, a zoologist and historian of science, presents Crick (1916-2004) as the hub round which a mid-century scientific revolution revolved — a researcher and theorist of unstoppable curiosity, who unravelled the secret code behind heredity before helping to reinvent the study of the mind and consciousness. More than 70 years on, it is easy to forget how penetrating Crick’s insights were — how, before he came along, we did not know how life copies itself and the molecular mechanism behind evolution was a mystery.
But Cobb’s book is no hagiography. Briskly paced, it concentrates on Crick’s scientific life, but also offers glimpses, some unflattering, of the man behind the lab bench. The picture it builds is of a brilliant, garrulous and often exasperating individual.
. . . Cobb writes with clarity and a touch of affection for his subject. His Crick is radical in science and conservative in temperament; deeply irreligious yet moved by poetry; a philanderer who adored his wife. Above all he is insatiably curious — a mind in motion, indeed. And yes, he may also represent something that may now be lost: the era when a single intellect could sit at the centre of a scientific revolution. Crick might be best known for his collaboration with Watson and his notorious debt to Franklin. However, in the crowded, collaborative landscape of 21st-century research, where knowledge advances by increments, achieved by vast teams who work with ever growing volumes of data, it is hard to imagine another individual whose ideas will so completely redefine the life sciences.
I’d call that a good review as well. Kudos to Dr. Cobb. I told him he should celebrate by going off on a nice vacation, but I’m betting he won’t.
Carl Sagan, along with co-author Edwin Salpeter, famously published a paper in the 70s about the possibility of finding life in the cloud of Jupiter. They specifically described “sinkers, floaters, and hunters” that could live floating and moving in the atmosphere of our solar system’s largest planet. He also famously talked about how clouds on another of our solar system’s planets - Venus - obfuscated what was on the surface, leading to wild speculation about a lush, Jurassic Park-like world full of life, just obscured by clouds. Venus turned out to be the exact opposite of that, but both of those papers show the impact clouds can have on the Earth for life. A new paper by authors as the Carl Sagan Institute, led by Ligia Coelho of Cornell, argues that we should look at clouds as potential habitats for life - we just have to know how to look for it.
The next few months are likely to bring a dramatic transition for NASA, under the leadership of a new administrator who has new ideas about changing the course of the space agency.
The JWST surprised when it detected very early galaxies that were extremely luminous. This suggested that they were more massive than researchers thought they could be. Not enough time had passed for them to grow so large. New research has an explanation.