Supermassive Black Holes (SMBHs) are located in the centers of large galaxies like ours. When they’re actively feeding, they produce more light and are called active galactic nuclei (AGN). But their details are difficult to observe clearly because large clouds of gas block our view.
The JWST was built just for circumstances like these.
New research published in the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society (MNRAS) presents JWST observations of an SMBH in a galaxy about 70 million light-years away. The telescope found polar dust surrounding the SMBH. It was outside the expected torus of dust that directly accretes onto the black hole that researchers call the accretion disk. The polar dust is heated, but rather than being heated by the radiation coming from the heated accretion disk, the gas is heated when by energetic shock waves that come from relativistic jets.
The research is titled “Dust beyond the torus: revealing the mid-infrared heart of local Seyfert ESO 428-G14 with JWST/MIRI.” The lead author is Houda Haidar, a PhD student in the School of Mathematics, Statistics, and Physics at Newcastle University in the UK. Houda and her co-researchers are members of GATOS, the Galactic Activity, Torus, and Outflow Survey. According to the GATOS website, GATOS is an international team using the JWST to “crack the enigma that is active galactic nuclei.”
“Having the opportunity to work with exclusive JWST data and access these stunning images before anyone else is beyond thrilling,” said Houda. “I feel incredibly lucky to be part of the GATOS team. Working closely with leading experts in the field is truly a privilege.”
This is the JWST’s first look at the galaxy in question, ESO 428-G14, but it’s not astronomers’ first look at it. They’ve been observing the galaxy—called a Seyfert galaxy because of its high luminosity—for decades. The astronomy community has used several telescopes to examine the galaxy, including ALMA and the Hubble, and that data forms part of this work.
The challenge in observing this AGN, and many others like it, is dust. The thick, extensive clouds of dust and gas that eventually feed the black hole block our view of it. The JWST’s job description is to pierce dust like this and get a clearer look into these obscured regions.
The JWST has four primary science themes, one of which is Galaxies Over Time. A combination of processes drives galaxy evolution, and active galactic nuclei are part of the picture.
Active galactic nuclei can emit relativistic jets of material from their poles that, in some cases, can extend hundreds of millions of light-years into space. ESO 428-G14 is no different; it emits radio jets from its poles. Astrophysicists know that gravitational and magnetic forces are behind these jets, but the exact mechanism behind them is unknown and is an active area of research.
The jets could be the key to understanding SMBHs, how they recycle material in galaxies, and the dust that accumulates around them in a torus. “For decades, the dusty torus has been held responsible for the dichotomy between type?1 and type?2 active galactic nuclei (AGN), forming the keystone of AGN unification,” the authors write.
The unified AGN model states that types 1 and 2 AGN are differentiated by their viewing angles rather than by any fundamental differences between the two. Type 1 is viewed more face-on relative to the dust torus, displays broad emission lines in its spectra, and has visible accretion disks. Type 2 is viewed more edge-on relative to the torus, has narrow emission lines, and has obscured accretion disks.
Some AGN have polar dust that’s separate from their torus dust. Many models predict that this dust is energized by the jets that come out of its poles. “However, little is known about its characteristics, spatial extent, or connection to the larger scale outflows,” the researchers write in their paper. This is “the first JWST/MIRI study aimed at imaging polar dust by zooming on to the centre of ESO 428-G14.”
The JWST found extended Mid-infrared emissions that extended to 650 light-years from the AGN. The structure of this polar dust is co-linear with a radio jet emitted by the AGN. But the dust is perpendicular to a molecular gas lane that’s feeding the AGN and obscuring it. This is important evidence for the presence of polar dust. “Its morphology bears a striking resemblance to that of gas ionized by the AGN,” the authors write.
This figure from the research illustrates some of the results. The left panel is a JWST/MIRI F1000W image showing the MIR structure of the circumnuclear disc along with the small-scale nuclear extensions. The right panel is a Hubble image of the same in optical light. The inset is the radio jet coming from the AGN. Image Credit: Haidar et al. 2024.This brings us back to the ongoing debate about how AGN energize the gas and dust in their environment. What role do the jets play vs what role does electromagnetic radiation from the AGN play? One line of evidence shows that dust absorbs electromagnetic radiation emitted by the heated dust in the accretion disk.
However, the new JWST images show that much of the polar dust emission is extended and spread out along the jets’ paths. This clearly implies that the jets are responsible for heating and shaping the dust, and radiation from the AGN plays a lesser role. The accretion dust and the polar dust have different temperatures, and that provides clues about how different parts of the AGN are heated differently. Jet-induced shocks could be responsible for the heat differences between the polar dust and the accretion dust.
“There is a lot of debate as to how AGN transfer energy into their surroundings. We did not expect to see radio jets do this sort of damage. And yet here it is!” said Dr David Rosario, Senior Lecturer at Newcastle University and co-author of the study.
The post The JWST Reveals the Nature of Dust Around an Active Galactic Nuclei appeared first on Universe Today.
Both Lin Yu-ting of Taiwan and Imane Khelif of Algeria earned medals in female boxing competition at the 2024 Olympics. This has caused a controversy because both boxers, according to reports, have some form of DSD – difference of sex development. This means they have been caught up in the culture war regarding trans athletes, even though neither of them is technically trans. What is the science here and how should sporting competitions like the Olympics deal with it?
Both female boxers have XY chromosomes (according to the IBA). For some people this means they are male, but as is often the case, it’s more complicated than that. Let’s quickly review some basic biology regarding biological sex to put this into perspective.
Male-Female develop does begin with sex chromosomes: XX for female and XY for male. Specific genes on the X and Y chromosomes affect sexual development, partly through production of sex hormones such as estrogen and testosterone. XX individuals develop ovaries and eggs, produce high estrogen and low testosterone, and develop anatomically along a typical female path with uterus, vagina, and with puberty, female secondary sexual characteristics. XY individuals develop gonads and sperm, make high testosterone, and develop along a typical male path with descended testes, penis and with puberty, male secondary sexual characteristics. All of this is part of biological sex. But also there is the potential for differences every step of the way. In addition, there are other chromosomal arrangements possible. By some estimates about 1 in 300 people have some difference of sex development.
Yu-ting and Khelif are XY females. How does this happen? One possibility is that they have an incomplete Y chromosome, and may specifically lack the SRY gene which is necessary for male genital development. You can also have XY females who do not produce testosterone. Another possibility is complete androgen insensitivity syndrome (CAIS) in which XY individuals make testosterone but don’t have functioning receptors, so they develop as if they do not have testosterone (the default developmental pathway without testosterone is female). They typically have undescended tested, no uterus, but female external genitalia and female secondary sexual characteristics.
There are also XX females who are maculinized because they produce more androgens than is typical, such as in congenital adrenal hyperplasia. They may have ambiguous genitalia, but not always and may simply be identified female at birth. When they go through puberty, however, they can develop a deeper voice, become more hairy, and also develop more muscle mass and greater strength than a typical female.
The bottom line is that human biological sex is clearly not strictly binary. But the Olympics, like many sporting organizations, is strictly binary. How do we make these things work together? I think most people will agree we want sporting competitions to be fair and meaningful, but there can be disagreement on exactly what this means. Further, biological sex is just one of many parameters that can be affected by genetics and development that can impact sporting performance.
One question is – how much testing are we going to put athletes through to determine if they may have any genetic or developmental advantages related to sexual development? If we want at least a reasonably clear picture we would need to test for chromosomes, hormone levels, and receptor sensitivity. Such testing would be invasive and expensive, but nothing less would really show the complete picture. Also, the results would be along a spectrum, which means we would have to draw somewhat arbitrary dividing lines. Further still, who has the burden of proof to show that any particular biology has inherent advantages in any particular sport? And of course, the answer would differ for every sport – boxing and archery would not have the same biological advantages.
If we are going to open this can of worms, would it be consistent to also consider other biological factors. Heritage also impacts sports-relevant biological features. African Americans, for example, (both male and female) have higher average muscle mass and strength than Caucasians or Asians. The sex and race streams often cross, as AA women are more likely to be accused of being “too masculine”.
I am not proposing any specific answer here, just laying out the inherent complexity. There is not one right or wrong answer, just trade-offs. This is because there is an inherent disconnect between the binary world of sports and the non-binary world of human biological sex. Should we just exclude the estimated 26 million people in the world with DSD from competitive sports? Should we do very thorough biological assessments of athletes and divide them into leagues accordingly? Or do we do something in the middle, balancing various considerations to create an imperfect system that’s reasonably fair and functional?
I do think there is one thing we shouldn’t do – turn the whole thing into a culture war rife with pseudoscience and intolerance.
The post The Gender Boxing Hubub first appeared on NeuroLogica Blog.
Meanwhile, in Dobrzyn, Hili is schooled on the reality of life:
Hili: Why is the truth always left in the shadows? A: Because it demands concentration and fools are enchanted by the vulgar entertainment of liars.
Hili: Dlaczego prawda zostaje zawsze w cieniu?
Ja: Bo wymaga skupienia, a kłamcy urzekają głupców jarmarczną zabawą.
As a sociologist interested in the scientific study of social life, I’ve long been concerned about the ideological bent of much of sociology. Many sociologists reject outright the idea of sociology as a science and instead prefer to engage in political activism. Others subordinate scientific to activist goals, and are unclear as to what they believe sociology’s purpose should be. Still others say different things depending on the audience.
The American Sociological Association (ASA) does the latter. Last December, the Board of Governors of Florida’s state university system removed an introductory sociology course from the list of college courses that could be taken to fulfil part of the general education requirement. It seemed clear that sociology’s reputation for progressive politics played a role in the decision. Florida’s Commissioner of Education, for example, wrote that sociology had been hijacked by political activists.1 The ASA denied the charge and went on to declare that sociology is “the scientific study of social life, social change, and the social causes and consequences of human behavior.”
While that definition certainly aligns with my vision of what sociology should be, it contrasts with another recent statement made by the ASA itself when announcing this year’s annual conference theme. The theme is “Intersectional Solidarities: Building Communities of Hope, Justice, and Joy,” which, as the ASA website explains, “emphasizes sociology as a form of liberatory praxis: an effort to not only understand structural inequities, but to intervene in socio-political struggles.”2 It’s easy to see how Florida’s Commissioner of Education somehow got the idea that sociology has become infused with ideology.
The ASA’s statement in defense of sociology as the science of social life seems insincere. That’s unfortunate— we really do need a science of social life if we’re going to understand the social world better. And we need to understand the world better if we’re going to effectively pursue social justice. The ASA’s brand of sociology as liberatory praxis leads not only to bad sociology, but also to misguided efforts to change the world. As I’ve argued in my book How to Think Better About Social Justice, if we’re going to change the world for the better, we need to make use of the insights of sociology. But bad sociology only makes things worse.
Contemporary social justice activism tends to draw from a sociological perspective known as critical theory. Critical theory is a kind of conflict theory, wherein social life is understood as a struggle for domination. It is rooted in Marxist theory, which viewed class conflict as the driver of historical change and interpreted capitalist societies in terms of the oppression of wage laborers by the owners of the means of production. Critical theory understands social life similarly, except that domination and oppression are no longer simply about economic class but also race, ethnicity, gender, religion, sexuality, gender identity, and much more.
There are two problems with social justice efforts informed by critical theory. First, this form of social justice—often called “critical social justice” by supporters and “wokeism” by detractors—deliberately ignores the insights that might come from other sociological perspectives. Critical theory, like conflict theory more broadly, is just one of many theoretical approaches in a field that includes a number of competing paradigms. It’s possible to view social life as domination and oppression, but it’s also possible to view it as a network of relationships, or as an arena of rational transactions similar to a marketplace, or as a stage where actors play their parts, or as a system where the different parts contribute to the functioning of the whole. If you’re going to change the social world, it’s important to have some understanding of how social life works, but there’s no justification for relying exclusively on critical theory.
The second problem is that, unlike most other sociological perspectives, critical theory assumes an oppositional stance toward science. This is partly because critical theory is intended not just to describe and explain the world, but rather to change it—an approach the ASA took in speaking of sociology as “liberatory praxis.” However, the problem isn’t just that critical theory prioritizes political goals over scientific ones, it’s that it also sees science as oppressive and itself in need of critique and dismantling. The claim is that scientific norms and scientific knowledge—just like other norms and other forms of knowledge in liberal democratic societies—have been constructed merely to serve the interests of the powerful and enable the oppression of the powerless.
Critical theory makes declarations about observable aspects of social reality, but because of its political commitments and its hostile stance toward scientific norms, it tends to act more like a political ideology than a scientific theory. As one example, consider Ibram X. Kendi’s assertions about racial disparities. Kendi, a scholar and activist probably best known for his book How to Be an Antiracist, has said, “As an anti-racist, when I see racial disparities, I see racism.”3 The problem with this approach is that while racism is one possible cause of racial disparities (and often the main cause!), in science, our theories need to be testable, and they need to be tested. Kendi doesn’t put his idea forward as a proposition to be tested but instead as a fundamental truth not to be questioned. In any true science, claims about social reality must be formulated into testable hypotheses. And then we need to actually gather the evidence. Usually what we find is variation, and this case is likely to be no different. That is, we’re likely to find that in some contexts racism has more of a causal role than in others.
We often want easy answers to social problems. Social justice activists might be inclined to turn to would-be prophets who proclaim what seems to be the truth, rather than to scientists who know we have to do the legwork required to understand and address things. Yes, science gives us imperfect knowledge, and it points to the difficulties we encounter when changing the world… but since we live in a world of tradeoffs, there are seldom easy answers to social problems. We can’t create a perfect world—utopia isn’t possible—so any kind of social justice rooted in reality must try to increase human flourishing while recognizing that not all problems can be eliminated, certainly not easily or quickly.
What does it all mean? For one, we should be much more skeptical about one of critical theory’s central claims— that the norms and institutions of liberal democratic societies are simply disguised tools of oppression. Do liberal ideals such as equality before the law, due process, free speech, free markets, and individual rights simply mask social inequalities so as to advance the interests of the powerful? Critical theorists don’t really subject this claim to scientific scrutiny. Instead, they take the presence of inequalities in liberal societies as selfsufficient evidence that liberalism is responsible for these failures. Yet any serious attempt to pursue social justice informed by scientific understanding of the world would involve comparing liberal democratic societies with other societies, both present and past.
Scientific sociology can’t tell us the best way to organize a society and social justice involves making tradeoffs among competing values. We may never reach a consensus on what kind of society is best, but we should consider the possibility that liberal democracies seem to provide the best framework we yet know of for pursuing social justice effectively. At the very least, they provide mechanisms for peacefully managing disputes in an imperfect world.
About the AuthorBradley Campbell is a professor of sociology at California State University, Los Angeles. He is the author The Geometry of Genocide, The Rise of Victimhood Culture (with Jason Manning), and How to Think Better About Social Justice: Why Good Sociology Matters. His research interests include moral conflict, violence, collision of right and wrong, and how they are handled. He has recently begun to examine conflicts on college campuses, manifestations of ongoing moral change, and the clash of different moral ideals.
References